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War Crimes in Angola

Angola, a former Portuguese colony on the southwestern coast of Africa, is slowly recovering from decades of civil war that left over half a million dead and displaced at least 3.5 million people. The UN-brokered effort to disarm the combatants and return the refugees to their homes, while making some progress, has nonetheless been marred by a number of human rights violations. Although Angola stands to reap billions of dollars from its considerable oil reserves, international watchdogs are concerned that the revenues will not be adequately accounted for or distributed equitably.

The origins of Angola’s current problems can be traced back to the struggle for independence against Portugal waged by three guerrilla factions: the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola, or FNLA), the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola, or MPLA), and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola, or UNITA). Once the country was granted its independence in 1975, civil war broke out as the rival groups competed for power. The MPLA formed one government based in the capital of Luanda under Agostinho Neto, and the other two groups established a second government in Huambo under the command of Joseph Savimbi. The two regimes sought allies outside its borders, with the Soviets aiding Neto and the United States supporting Savimbi. In effect, Angola became the setting for a proxy hot war in the context of a global cold war. South Africa, then under white rule, also intervened in the war on the side of UNITA. During the 1970s Cuban troops were dispatched by Fidel Castro to bolster MPLA forces. Even though Washington continued its support of Savimbi, it also sought a diplomatic solution, and in 1992, when a cease-fire was reached and elections agreed upon, the U.S. officials thought they had found one. But after the MPLA candidate, Jose dos Santos, won the presidency (Neto had died in 1979), Savimbi experienced a change of heart and resumed fighting.

Efforts to restore peace over the next eight years repeatedly failed until Savimbi was slain in 2000. Within weeks of his death, UNITA at last agreed to lay down its arms, which finally allowed the painful process of reconciliation to begin. Since UNITA could put tens of thousands of troops in the field, the task was not going to be easy. However, human rights organizations monitoring the process have raised concerns about the way in which the government is going about demobilizing combatants and returning REFUGEES to their homes. According to HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, authorities have used violence or intimidation to evict refugees from settlements or drive them out of the capital, which had become home to over 100,000 people fleeing war in the interior. The human rights organization also reported incidents of rape and other forms of sexual violence in connection with the relocation of refugees. Millions of internally displaced people and excombatants either remain in exile or are still in refugee camps. Moreover, the government also appears to be giving priority to the resettlement of ex-combatants at the expense of women and children, failing, for instance, to provide them with identity documents that would help them obtain humanitarian assistance. In some cases, though, children and ex-combatants are one and the same. UNITA was known for abducting children and pressing them into service on the front lines; there may be as many as 11,000 such child soldiers who were involved in fighting in the last years of the war. The INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS has instituted a program to reunite these children with their families, but most of such child soldiers were boys. There is ample evidence that a far larger number of girls were abducted—some estimates put the figure at close to 30,000—many of whom were then forced to serve as cooks, domestics, and porters or as “wives” of UNITA fighters, in effect, sex slaves. Human rights organizations are especially concerned about the reception that these girls will get once they return to their home villages.

Human Rights in Angola

Both the government and UNITA are committing numerous human rights abuses. Conflicts between the government and UNITA forces have resulted in hundreds of deaths and the displacement of thousands of civilians. According to some reports, extrajudicial executions and tortures have been committed by government security forces against UNITA members and sympathizers, criminal suspects, and people who disobeyed police orders. Government opponents have disappeared and hundreds of people have been arrested and detained for political reasons. Many were beaten at the time of the arrest. Amnesty International alleges that in November 1999, four youths died from asphyxiation in police custody in Luanda after being severely beaten.

Prison conditions are very poor; food, medications, and sanitation are not provided. Prisoners often die in custody. In addition, prisoners are subjected to brutal forms of interrogation. Young prisoners are often abused by guards or inmates. The judicial system is not independent from the government. The right to public trials as well as the right to a defense attorney or to an appeal are not enforced. Instead, long detentions without trial are the norm. Army and police personnel, who are usually unpaid, are reportedly supporting themselves by extorting civilians and robbing them of their personal property and food. They have ravaged entire areas and robbed displaced persons occupying UNITA sites. On the other hand, UNITA forces are also responsible for killings, tortures, disappearances and other abuses in their effort to eliminate real or potential opposition. UNITA troops have kidnapped hundreds of civilians, including children, and have raped women. Suspected governmental supporters and traditional leaders have been victims of brutal attacks.

It is reported that UNITA employs cruel measures to punish dissent and prevent further disloyalty. Forced recruitment—including minors and women—is practiced. UNITA is also believed to detain persons for war-related reasons. It has established a military and civilian court system with a strict martial law code. Both the government and UNITA limit freedom of speech, press and assembly. The majority of the media are run and controlled by the state. Journalists are forced to censor information regarding military incidents, internal security or other sensitive matters. Activities of the foreign media are not restricted but, in some cases, are very limited. UNITA allows media organizations to function only under surveillance of party officials. There is academic freedom, although within the constraints of the civil war. The constitution grants freedom of religion, and protects the separation of church and state. Nevertheless, the clergy is very cautious in criticizing either governmental or UNITA policies. Citizens cannot freely travel, or easily exit or enter the country. Government checkpoints limit citizens’ movements within the country and serve as extortion locations. In addition, UNITA prevents civilians from going to areas under governmental control. The greatest impediments to internal movement are land mines which dot the roads. As far as refugee and asylum status are concerned, the government complies with the law and with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. No racial or ethnically based acts of discrimination have been reported in recent years. Instead, women have been suffering from discrimination in wages, job positions, inheritance, and participation in commercial activities. Violence, sexual abuse and homicide are perpetrated against women throughout the country. There are reports of women forced to work as porters for UNITA forces and kept in servitude. Prostitution, including child prostitution, is a problem as well.

Children’s rights are given only marginal attention, despite children’s suffering from the ongoing conflict and the poor economic conditions of the country. A law against forced or bonded child labor is not enforced. Many young children work on family farms as domestic servants; others, who are orphans or abandoned, find employment in urban areas.

Disabled people are not provided with the means to improve their physical, financial or social conditions. The government and UNITA do not completely cooperate with investigations on human rights conditions by international organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International.